In Part IV of my Debunking False Flag Operations Series, Japan attacks Pearl Harbor, many allegories of which you will find in Trilogy II in my Lord of Columbia Series, the first book in the Trilogy to be released in early 2020 entitled ‘Raven’s Flock.’
First, a little backstory for those who may’ve forgotten a little since history class in grade, middle, and high school. On December 7th, 1941, Japanese planes attacked a U.S. Naval base at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, killing over 2,400 Americans. Our realm of government-approved public schooling here in the States, would lead you to believe that this was an unprovoked sneak attack.
However, there’s much more to the attack on Pearl Harbor than initially meets the eye. Instead, it was yet another government tactic to motivate the American public into supporting the war by first provoking the Japanese before allowing the attack to hit American targets at the base.
Role of the Roosevelt Administration
US Secretary of War at the time, Henry L. Stimson, stated in his diary one week before the attack that President Roosevelt told him “we were likely to be attacked perhaps as soon as next Monday.” Roosevelt then solicited to Stimson advice on how to maneuver the Japanese into firing the first shot without allowing too much danger to US mainland (Cummings, 1999).
At this time Roosevelt sent a message to all US commanders stating ‘The United States desires Japan to commit the first overt act.’
Did US Intel Intercept Japan’s Messages?
On November 25th, 1941, Japanese Admiral Yamamoto sent a message to the group of Japanese warships that would attack Pearl Harbor on December 7th. This was just one of eighty-three messages US naval records were shown to have intercepted from November 17th to November 25th, 1941.
In fact, soon-to-be Presidential candidate Thomas Dewey found out about the US’ ability to intercept messages during his campaign run in 1944 and planned to use such knowledge to accuse the incumbent President of knowing about the eventual attacks all along. However, then-US Chairman of the Joints Chiefs of Staff, General George Marshall, persuaded Dewey not to make such accusations.
In his book ‘Day of Deceit,’ Robert Stinnett shows proof that the US indeed had the ability and did intercept these messages through formerly classified 200,000 items of documentation. For sixteen years, the World War II veteran mulled over such documentation and came to the conclusion that Roosevelt knew of the impending attack.
Since his re-election in 1940, Roosevelt and his administration needed a call to action to enter what eighty to ninety percent of Americans wanted nothing to do with, dubbed ‘Europe’s War.’
Per Stinnet’s findings, Roosevelt not only wished to allow the attack to happen but upon briefing on the evening of December 7th, appeared unsurprised, as if he “welcomed the attack,” per famed journalist, William Donovan.
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How Did FDR & Co. Provoke the Attack?
The first action came one year prior in 1940 when Roosevelt ordered the US Fleet to be relocated from San Pedro, California, to Pearl Harbor, seemingly as a show of power to deter Japanese expansion into the Pacific, which the imperial nation had been doing since the 1930s.
Admiral James Richardson raised the issue that the US Naval Fleet would be open to an attack from every direction in the Pacific. FDR went ahead with this plan and relieved Richardson of his duties.
Fast forward to June 23rd, 1941, where Secretary of the Interior Henry Ickes wrote a memo to FDR, advising him to embargo Japanese oil. In the memo, Ickes writes, “There might develop from the embargoing of oil to Japan such a situation that would make it, not only possible but easy, to get into this war in an effective way.”
Roosevelt replies with a memo of his own, stating to let him know if “this were to tip the delicate scales and cause Japan to decide either to attack Russia or to attack the Dutch East Indies.”
Icke responds with a rather lengthy memo, warning Roosevelt that, “It may be difficult to get into this war the right way, but if we do not do it now, we will be, when our turn comes, without an ally anywhere in the world.”
Roosevelt eventually followed through with Ickes’ recommendations and prevented Japan from buying American oil. Initially, it is reported that he wished to make Japan obtain and seek licensing for continued oil imports of American oil. However, Assistant Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, whom one historian described as “the quintessential opportunist of US foreign policy in 1941,” favored a “bullet-proof freeze” on all oil shipments to Japan and refused to grant the licenses.
Such actions eventually cut off all trade with Japan.
Japan, knowing it would have to capture new supply sources in the oil-rich Dutch Indies, the Japanese would have no choice but to confront the US Naval Fleet stationed at Pearl Harbor head on.
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Why No Peace Talks?
As a Libertarian and Anarchocapitalist who values peace and diplomacy over war any day, why wouldn’t there be some type of diplomatic talks?
Well, the Prime Minister of Japan at the time, Prince Konoye Fumimaro, did wish for peace talks, urging to meet with FDR to negotiate a peace agreement. However, pro-war activists in Japan, Fumimaro’s government was overthrown on October 16th of that year, less than two months before the attack.
On October 18th, Japanese General Tojo Hideki became the new Prime Minister, an anti-American militant, as many described him to be.
Whether FDR would’ve participated in peace talks, we’ll never know, but we do know that the US repeatedly intercepted Japanese radio messages discussing the attack, as I pointed out earlier in this article.
In the book entitled ‘December 1941: 31 Days that Changed America and Saved the World’ revealed a 20-page memo that stated on December 4th, “In anticipation of open conflict with this country, Japan is vigorously utilizing every available agency to secure military, naval and commercial information, paying particular attention to the West Coast, the Panama Canal and the Territory of Hawaii.”
While in Parts I, II, and III, I accuse mainly the West of being guilty of events that led to US involvement in World War I, the Vietnam War, and The First Gulf War. However, in this article, I see guilt as being on both sides of the equations. From what I uncovered, it’s clear to me that Roosevelt and his administration knew a Japanese attack was imminent and failed to take preventative measures.
However, Japan at the time was also guilty of lying its way into war, especially during this time period. For instance, in 1931 the Japanese Empire needed a pretext for the invasion of Manchuria. This pretext occurred in September 1931 when the Japanese Army detonated TNT along a Japanese railway in the Manchurian city of Mukden. Japan accused Chinese dissidents of the attack and used such accusations to justify their occupation over the region.
It wouldn’t be surprising if new evidence came to light finding Japan guilty of similar schemes as they continually invaded and overran the Pacific, so while it was likely wrong to intervene in Japanese affairs, there’s also substantial evidence that the US and Japan, as well as the US and Germany, due to the Germans’ continual occupation of Europe, could’ve been on a collision course that would’ve eventually led to war.
Cumings, Bruce. Parallax Visions: Making Sense of American-East Asian Relations. Durham, NC: Duke University, 1999. ISBN 9780822322764